Price declined to say whether that would mean removing the FARC from the blacklist, but said the Biden administration was committed to „implementing and preserving” the Colombian peace deal. The peace talks were officially launched in Oslo, Norway, on October 18, 2012 and were moved to their final location in Havana in November. [27] FarC chief negotiator Iván Márquez`s speech at the launch of the dialogues in Oslo in October was interpreted by the Colombian media as surprisingly radical because of its provocative tone against the government, mentioning items excluded from the agenda (economic model, foreign investment, military doctrine, mining, land ownership) and defending armed struggle. [28] The government and the FARC fear that the delay in implementing the agreement could jeopardize any possibility of peace. Supporters of the president argue that given the scale of the abandonment and the extent of the damage that some areas suffered during the conflict, fulfilling even the fundamental development promises associated with the peace agreement, such as improving electricity and water supplies, will take more than a decade, not to mention resolving more complex justice issues. „Sometimes we struggle to convey this to the international community, but we are talking about reaching 6 million people across the country who have never used these services in the last 200 years,” Emilio Archila, Duque`s advisor, told me. Álvaro Uribe was re-elected in a landslide in 2006, making the „consolidation” of democratic security one of his top priorities for the second term. Between 2006 and 2010, the FARC army delivered significant blows and successfully attacked senior officials of the FARC Secretariat for the first time. In March 2008, Raúl Reyes was killed in a cross-border operation in Ecuador (which triggered a major diplomatic crisis), followed by the natural death of historic FARC leader Manuel Marulanda in May 2008. Amid military strikes, the FARC tried to maintain the political initiative by promoting humanitarian exchanges, and President Uribe bowed to public pressure in August 2007, agreeing to talks under the mediation of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. In November 2007, however, Uribe ended Chávez`s mediation. From then on, the hostages were freed by unilateral decisions of the FARC (Operation Emmanuel) with Venezuelan mediation or military rescue operations (Operation Jaque).

The Commission`s objectives would be to resolve disputes, monitor the implementation of the final agreement, verify compliance, monitor the legislative implementation of the agreement and report on implementation. Mechanisms would allow citizens to participate in the process. Two guerrillas died in a clash with government forces on November 16 – details are still unclear – and at least five land rights activists and leaders of left-wing social movements were killed in four days last week. Finally, on 15 December, the parties to the negotiations in Cuba announced final agreement on the fifth item on the agenda (victims), which includes transitional justice. It relied on the Truth Commission, the 23 September Agreement on the Special Jurisdiction for Peace and the October announcements on the Missing Persons Tracing Unit. [27] Despite these successes, the peace process in Colombia remains fragile. From the beginning, the agreement with the FARC has been a central source of political polarization. The peace proposal, for example, could not find a simple majority in a public referendum in 2016 before being ratified by Congress.

The systematic killing of former combatants must be stopped: this urgently requires the attention of the international community to ensure the safety of demobilized combatants and their families. Monitoring access to land for productive agricultural projects is also a key aspect of this point (35). The aim is to improve security conditions and guarantees for the demobilised population and to link the interventions of the comprehensive security system (36) to the participation of civil society (37). Upgrade dynamics should also be monitored. From a comparative point of view, the link between the GDR and the peace implementation process is very relevant, as the observation of various conflict-affected countries over a 10-year period shows that a high level of implementation reduces the likelihood of rearmament over time. Conversely, weak implementation increases the likelihood that ex-combatants will rearm and resume their paramilitary activities (38). Ordinary JEP sanctions would be imposed on those who recognize responsibility for serious crimes before the Recognition Chamber and would have a minimum duration of five years and a maximum duration of eight years. The sanctions would have a restorative and restorative purpose and would include „effective restrictions on liberty and rights”, including restrictions on freedom of residence and movement, which would be monitored and monitored to ensure compliance with court orders. Such sanctions would in no way entail a custodial sentence.

For those who did not have a „decisive involvement” in the commission of the serious acts, the penalty would be between two and five years. Take, for example, efforts for truth and national reconciliation, a central pillar of the peace agreement. A special court was established to investigate war crimes and hear reports of ill-treatment, and nearly 13,000 former FARC rebels and 2,000 members of the Colombian armed forces pledged to speak honestly to help the court map what had happened during the country`s decades of violence. Duque denounced the system as too lenient on FARC commanders accused of atrocities and demanded that the group compensate its victims and extend extradition conditions. Above all, he ruled against the effective immunity granted to those who submit to the Tribunal. (A panel of Colombian judges ruled in May that the peace deal should proceed on negotiated terms, and in July, the UN Security Council called on Duque`s government to support the law establishing the court to prevent further questioning of its legitimacy.) The final agreement contains in its annexes the text of the amnesty law to be submitted to Congress. There would be three types of crimes: those that would be directly eligible for amnesty (those most closely linked to guerrilla membership), those that would never be eligible for amnesty, and others that would be defined as the JEP amnesty chamber (including drug trafficking and kidnapping). [112] [126] (i) the promotion of a culture of peace through education and the change of attitudes and behaviours; (ii) Organization and institutionalization of collective actors supporting peace; — Community policies affecting policy: e.B. electoral participation, dialogue and collective bargaining; (iv) Protests against violence perpetrated by armed actors and demands to ensure security and peace at the local level, expressed through demonstrations, strikes, etc.; (v) Peaceful resistance to violence perpetrated by armed actors through the establishment and consolidation of neutral peace zones, peace communities and civil resistance campaigns. Since 1978, peace actions have been articulated in various forms, both at local and national level (19).

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